SLANDER, CHAPTER 2: The Gucci Position on Domestic Policy

Commentary by Stuart Eugene Thiel[1]

 

I work my way through Chapter 2 of Slander, concentrating mostly on the footnotes but offering observations on the text material as well. I didn't check a few of the footnotes, for reasons explained on a case-by-case basis: two or three books, a couple of minor newspapers, and one string cite to 17 different articles in Harper's whose accuracy I took for granted. The only unchecked cite that is really significant is that Ms. Coulter (henceforth, "Ann") devotes much of the chapter to Phyllis Schlafly, apparently drawing most of her information from a Schlafly biography. I cannot attest, either way, to the accuracy of such details. I take them at face value.

 

Pp 27 ff:

A general comment: I found Slander's thesis, that liberals are totally out of touch with truth, good government and the American psyche, and malevolently so, somewhat easier to understand when I decided "liberal" is really shorthand for rich liberals, particularly in New York and Hollywood, of the type skewered by Tom Wolfe in "Radical Chic" and by John Lindsay with the moniker "limousine liberals." She even calls them the "jet set" (p. 32). I do not know if, in other chapters, Ann turns her attack to other liberals. It strikes me that this rhetorical device is not merely for convenience. I think it is an attempt to subtly try to make the reader forget that most rich people are Republicans, and that Republican doctrine has for a hundred years been almost totally focused on the interests and agenda of the very wealthy. There is nothing per se wrong with this, and Republicans have been very successful in persuading the voters that their interests coincide with those of the rich. But Chapter 2, at least, of this book wants you to believe that it is rich liberals that are your implacable enemy. In my view, this is very false.

 

p. 28. "The left's ideal world is G.I. Jane showering while she chats with her Navy SEAL commander who registers no response at the sight of a naked woman."

Irony! G.I. Jane, of course, was played by Demi Moore, reputed to be one of the most conservative women in show business. [Aside. I don't know if anything like this scene appeared in the movie, but it did remind me of a scene in "Starship Troopers" where the commander catches a couple in flagrante and just laughs it off. The irony here is that the film was (loosely) based on a book by Robert Heinlein, a hard-core libertarian (NOT liberal), who did advocate using women as warriors in any capacity they could handle.]

 

p. 28. "[A]ll they're doing on the lowbrow channels is fornicating. Casts of entire shows ought to have the clap by now."

A circumstance brought to you by the forces of the free market (and predicted by, among others, Heinlein (e.g. the commercials for birth-control pills in Stranger in a Strange Land)) and the pliability of the FCC since the Reagan administration. Also, Ann herself apparently once said on TV, "Let's say I go out every night, I meet a guy and have sex with him. Good for me. I'm not married." Real-life promiscuity is OK, at least for chat-TV stars. It's the fictional promiscuity that's bad. (?)

 

 

Footnote 1. (pp. 28-29) Kakutani, "The Strange Case of the Writer and the Criminal," NYT 9/20/81.

To support the general sentiment that "liberals" (i.e. rich New York liberals) are eager to coddle low-lifes, while sneering at bourgeois virtues. Briefly, Jack Abbott was in prison when somehow he made the acquaintance of Norman Mailer, who encouraged his writing and helped Abbott's book get published and reviewed. Upon his release from prison, Abbott was lionized at various functions. Soon, however, he killed a waiter (who also happened to be an aspiring actor) in an argument, was convicted and sent back to prison. He hung himself in February 2002.

Ann's version of the story of Jack Abbott goes well beyond Kakutani's, suggesting that she has sources not cited. Ironically, Ann's additional detail is correct. (Google [Adan Abbott]) Why would this be? Why wouldn't she cite her sources, when they're correct? Possibly it's purely Machiavellian, meant to discourage fools like me who would take on the duty of cite-checking. I think it more probable that she is merely piggybacking on the research of Dorothy Rabinowitz of the WSJ Opinion Journal, 2/17/2002, who took the happy occasion of Abbott's suicide to make much the same argument as did Ann. Rather than sully (pun intended) the name of the WSJ with such liberal bilge, however, she lunged at this weak chance to tar the NYT, even though the Times' behavior is not at issue.

 

p. 29. "[M]ore fancy high-priced lawyers jumped at the chance to represent [then-alleged] American traitor John Walker [Lindh] -- free of charge—than would have touched Paula Jones's case with a ten-foot pole."

No citation provided. Moreover, Paula Jones had no damages, and anyone with common sense could have told you that the President of the United States is too busy to be sitting for depositions in what is at best a minor matter. Her case was hopeless unless you knew that the fix was in. Lindh's case was relatively straightforward: did Lindh commit the crimes as charged, and did the government treat him in an acceptable way? Win or lose, there was no downside for a lawyer. Anyway, as Ann should have learned in law school (and I learned at the exact same institution), lawyers have a much higher duty to represent accused criminals than tort plaintiffs.

 

p. 29. "[T]he leading Democrat[ic] argument against Bush's 2001 tax cut was to demand to know how exactly it would help anyone. . . . To state the manifestly obvious: People would have more money. That's an improvement right there. . . . More money will give people more money. Isn't that the goal? What am I missing?"

No citation provided. This is, IMHO, the most egregious lie in the whole chapter. The response is obvious. True, some people will have more money. But others lose the benefit of the government programs that the money had funded. Therefore, the debate was over which use of the money was better – spent privately, or publicly? It is absolutely inconceivable that Ann does not know this. For her to pretend that she or anyone else ever thought that the tax cut would be a totally free lunch, putting dollars in peoples' pockets with no sacrifice anywhere, goes beyond disingenuous.

 

Footnote 2. (pp. 29-30) Kessler, "The Very Rich Pay Growing Tax Share," WP 3/15/01.

Ann devotes three paragraphs to the proposition, "Really vicious liberals are constantly bragging that they love paying taxes. . . .[T]he real point is to announce that they do not share the working class's petty concern with taxes." (italics in original) She cites Kessler to support the following: [B]illionaire music mogul David Geffen loudly bragged, "Speaking for myself, I don't need a tax cut." He loved paying taxes, he said, because it's "a privilege to be an American citizen." This is pure braggadocio. . . . "I want to pay more taxes" is a way of saying that, no matter how much the government takes, [one] will still have enough money to keep drinking Dom Perignon and making out in the hot tub.

Unfortunately for Ann's credibility, Geffen did not say he loves to pay taxes, and was not "loudly bragging," at least not in Kessler's article: "Speaking for myself, I don't need a tax cut or tax relief," said David Geffen, the music mogul who has amassed a $3.3 billion fortune and is 70th on the Forbes 400 list of wealthiest Americans. "It is a privilege to be an American citizen," he said. "It is appropriate to pay a greater share of taxes."

On average, each of the 400 top taxpayers paid more than $21 million in federal income taxes last year on income of more than $64 million, according to estimates based on the IRS data. [Former G.O.P.] Treasury Secretary Paul H. O'Neill, who earned more than $60 million last year as chairman of Alcoa Inc., may fall into this category this year. He said he expects to pay about $24 million when he files his tax return in April, an amount he considers appropriate. Geffen and O'Neill apparently agree that their taxes are "appropriate." What's this about liberal braggadocio?

Speaking of braggadocio, here's Ann on the TV show Booknotes, 8/11/02, loudly bragging about the cash she's raking in:

LAMB [the host]: How many copies of High Crimes and Misdemeanors did you sell?

COULTER: About a quarter million.

LAMB: That's a lot of money.

COULTER: It's never enough money. No, in fact someone just told me, I don't know if this is true, that the median income for a writer in America is about $2,000. If you want to make money, being a writer isn't the way to go.

Footnote 3. (p. 30) Editorial, Las Vegas Review-Journal, 1/14/02. Supporting, "[I]t would be nice if liberals would just stop blocking ordinary people from using the public beaches."

Ann's basic assertion, that owners of beachfront mansions in Malibu are fighting the California Coastal Commission over beach access, is correct. The three named, Streisand, Spielberg and Geffen, are the only three named in her source. (IMHO, although I appreciate the celebrities' quest for privacy, they're wrong. They deserve their privacy, but not on the best beaches. Let 'em buy a few hundred acres in Colorado.)

That said, Ann makes two logical errors in her quest to place the blame on "liberals." First, she asserts that the homeowners fighting public access are liberals. But only three of 100 homeowners were named. For all we know, Charlton Heston and Bruce Willis are among the others. So it is erroneous to say that all of the homeowners in this fight are liberals, or even celebrities. Is Geffen really a celebrity? Maybe. The New York Times (mid-August 2002) identified philanthropist Wendy McGaw as another homeowner in this fight. Is she a celebrity? She gives away a lot of her money, but I'd never heard of her. From the article cited, all we really know about any of these people is that they are rich.

On the flip, she asserts that all liberals are fighting public access. But her own text, and the editorial she cites, point out that the former head of the Malibu Democratic Club is among those seeking public access. In fact, he is one of the leaders of the effort, to the extent of heading a small group seeking funds to open a right of way on which it gained an option. But he's a Democrat. USA Today, 5/3/02.

Why was Ann citing an editorial from a backwater paper, anyway? Even in the early part of 2002, there were plenty of better sources. Google ["malibu streisand coastal commission"] What's her angle?  

 

Footnote 4. (p. 31) "Twilight of the ERA Era; With Time Running Out, Women Rally Round the Amendment," Time, 7/13/81.

Accurate quotation of Jules Feiffer that Reagan was "making the world safe for white, male heterosexual millionaires." The rest of the paragraph is unsupported rant.

 

Footnote 5. (p. 31) "Disney Executives Top Donors for Mrs. Clinton," NYT 2/25/00. Offered to support, "While the Democratic Party hauls in enormous donations from Hollywood celebrities and multimillionaire trial lawyers. . . "

Fewer than half her assertions are supported by the article she cites. The article names no donors, mentions no Hollywood celebrities (except "Disney executives"), and discusses Hillary Clinton's Senate campaign finance, not that of the Democratic Party or of any other Democrats. According to the article, lawyers ("trial lawyers" are not singled out) were the top industry for contributions, about $667,000 of her $6 million; the entertainment industry was next, at $440,000. The Disney executives, collectively, were tops for one company, $56,500. New York was the top state for donations, at $2.7 million; California was second, at $669,000. There were over 58,000 contributors, for an average of $136. The funny thing is that everybody knows trial lawyers and Hollywood celebrities are big donors to Democrats. Is this the best citation she could find?

 

Footnote 6. (p. 31) Van Natta, "The 2000 Campaign: The Fund-Raising," NYT 4/25/00; Warner, "Political Jousting," PBS 4/24/97. Cited to support, ". . . [T]he average donation to the Republicans is about fifty dollars. For years, the [RNC] has proudly posted the size of its average donation and tauntingly asked the Democrats to release theirs. . . . [The Democrats say] the average donation constituted proprietary information."

The Democrats' reticence checks out. But in the Van Natta piece, describing fat-cat fundraisers for both parties, an RNC official says that their average donation is $55; in Warner's 1997 PBS TV show, it's said to be "less than $50." So, apparently the Republicans' average is rising. Honest citation would have gone with the more-recent number, or mentioned both. Ann's "about fifty dollars" lowballs this average.

More important, Ann's main point is that the RNC is proud of its numbers, but the DNC is not, proof positive that the Republican Party is really the party of the little guy. Forget all the back-channel methods of donation that make this a meaningless statistic in the first place. Neither of Ann's sources says anything about the RNC's proud posting of their average donation. Why not? The answer to this mystery lies in the RNC's web site, conveniently not cited by Ann.

At the RNC link is a press release dated January 16, 2002, which does proudly post the RNC's average donation for 2001 and taunt the Democrats for failing to follow suit. The RNC's average donation was $57.07, about 15% larger than what Ann tells us. It is clear from her Booknotes interview that she was still working on the manuscript in January 2002. I'd bet money that she saw the RNC press release, surfed a little on Lexis/Nexis, found citations that allowed her to lowball the estimate, and just happened to omit a citation to her actual source, the RNC link. This is a bright and shining lie.

Again, why did she lie about it? If she had written, "the average donation to the Republicans is about fifty-seven dollars. . . ," citing the RNC's web page, would anyone have paused to think, "Hey, that's pretty high, but if it was $50. . . ."

[Aside. The RNC's site gives the average donation, not the average per donor. In fact, in 2001 the RNC got nearly twice as many donations as it had donors. Well, obviously a lot of people give more than once. But they may be using a trick that the Dems should consider. Somebody offers them $1000. Instead of taking it in a lump sum, set up an automatic bill-pay with the donor's bank or Yahoo! or PayPal (etc.) so the contribution comes out as 50 weekly donations of $20. Presto! Average donation $20, not $1000!!]

 

Footnotes 7, 8. (pp. 31-32) Keller, "The Roll Call 50 Richest," 1/15/2001. LINK (FYI: the 2000 list; the 2002 list). Ann: "The most fabulously wealthy Senators are invariably Democrats. . . . [If] Lincoln Chaffee (R-R.I.) ever figures out that he is in the wrong party, nine out of the top eleven [Senators] would be Democrats."

Some would call this noblesse oblige, but no matter. It is true that the four Senators with the highest estimated net worth (Kerry (D-Mass.), Corzine (D-N.J.), Kohl (D-Wisc.), Rockefeller (D-W.Va.)) are Democrats. It is also true that Chaffee and eight Democrats constitute nine of the top eleven (#11, Kennedy with $25 million, is apparently not "fabulously wealthy.") (I wonder what [now-former Majority Leader] Trent Lott thinks of Ann's desire to throw Chaffee out of the party?)

But it is also true that by choosing to list only Senators, Ann was able to bypass #1 on the list, Representative Amory Houghton (R-N.Y.), of whom Roll Call asked, "Congress's first billionaire?," estimating his wealth between $700 million and $1 billion. Also, of the 50 richest, 18 are Democrats, 32 are Republicans.

By 2002, one Democrat and one Republican on Roll Call's list had died, and five Republicans fell off the list. All seven newcomers to the list were Republicans, for a gain of one. Senator Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.) famously suffered large losses in the dot-com crash, but I could not verify Ann's assertion that she is "bankrupt." She fell from #9 in 2001 to #24 in 2002.

Finally, of the five 9-figure net worth members of Congress (Houghton and the four Dems listed above), only one (Rockefeller) does not represent a state notable for concentrations of wealthy individuals and families. As it happens, such states tend to be Democratic or "Gore" states, rendering less surprising the fact that they have elected wealthy Democrats. This observation is entirely consistent with the idea that these wealthy Senators are Democrats first, and wealthy second.

 

Footnote 9. (p. 32) Id. "Republican multimillionaires are also more likely to have earned their money than to have married it."

Let's assume that she means Republican multimillionaires in the Congress. It is true that of the Roll Call 50 richest, 9 married money; 6 Democrats (Tauscher, Pelosi, Lowey, Feinstein, Harman, Kerry) and 3 Republicans (Chaffee, Warner, McCain). However, of the Democrats' six gold-diggers, only one (Kerry) is a man. All of the three Republican gold-diggers are men. (I think that this is an important distinction. Feel free to disagree.)

As to "earning it," if Roll Call did not mention family or spouse as being the source, let's call the wealth "self-made." In January 2001 there were 20 such Republicans, and only 9 Democrats. However, of the top six (Corzine, Cantwell, Bennett, Edwards, Sisisky, Goss), four are Democrats. Apparently Democrats are the better at striking it really rich (as opposed to making a few million in a couple of real estate deals). That contradicts the conventional wisdom, but there it is.

Mendacity Watch: In her footnote, Ann compares Bennett, with his self-made $30 million (selling "motivational materials"), favorably to Kerry, who married into the Heinz fortune. Cantwell and Edwards would be much closer matches to Bennett – self-made, with roughly comparable net worth. But then she would have had to laud either Cantwell's Internet-based wealth, or (oh, NO!) Edwards, the plaintiffs' lawyer. Similarly, war hero and putative gold-digger Kerry would have been more closely comparable to war hero and putative gold-digger McCain.

 

Footnote 10. (p. 32) Levin, "Maker of Documentary that Attacks G.M. Alienates His Allies," NYT 1/19/90. The citation is not to the "caustic review in the New Yorker" of Michael Moore's film "Roger and Me," but to a NYT article quoting said review (by Pauline Kael). Ann accurately quotes Levin quoting Kael (I did not check the New Yorker).

Ann's claim that the UAW "denounced" the film is a little strong, but IMHO within the bounds of fair play. None of Ann's other assertions in this paragraph – that Moore is a "college dropout and working-class phony," that rich liberals who enjoy jeering at the working class loved the film, that the left "reveres" Moore-- is supported by the citation. (I have no particular reason to doubt many of her factual claims, e.g., that Moore dropped out of college. But Ann is the one who chose footnotes as the weapon for this duel. No footnote, no support.)

What's peculiar is that she is quoting the NYT quoting the New Yorker's "caustic" review to advance her thesis that rich liberals enjoy jeering at desperate working-class folks. The NYT and the New Yorker are the very models of the liberals she despises. Yet here is Pauline Kael (why is she not named in the text? She's certainly famous and weighty enough.) slamming Moore's movie, and the NYT publishing a piece detailing the unions' and the Naderites' beefs against Moore as well as against his movie. Did neither Ann nor her editors notice that they are contradicting the very point they are trying to make?

 

Footnote 11-13. (p. 32) Ellul, Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes (1965), p. 166.

Not checked, but the quotations are perfectly plausible (propaganda gives "a set of prejudices and beliefs, as well as objective justifications."). In fact, it may be standard issue by the vast Right wing conspiracy as a text for shock troops like Rush Limbaugh or Jim Baker: "Any statement whatever, no matter how stupid, any 'tall tale' will be believed once it enters into the passionate current of hatred." (Slander, p. 33) The entire passage about propaganda, pp 32-33, strikes me as describing the Right's ongoing efforts at indoctrination much better than the Left's feeble efforts in that direction. Democrats may do well to read this book.

 

Footnote 14. (p. 33) Hamilton, "The People's Pornographer [Larry Flynt]," New Times Los Angeles, 10/24/96. Offered to support Ann's assertion that Larry Flynt never finished grade school, as she prepares to lambaste him for having the temerity to call George W. Bush "the dumbest president we have ever had."

Here is Hamilton:

[Flynt] ran away for the first time at age 13 and never finished grade school. At 15, he lied about his age and joined the Army, where he earned a his high school equivalency certificate.

Ann is correct, with the usual reservation that she leaves out the inconvenient part. Flynt grew up as poor Kentucky rural white trash and he never finished grade school. But he did serve in the Army and earn a G.E.D. G.E.D. doesn't sound like much but it's a heck of a lot better than "never finished grade school." A lot of us reflexively admire people who slog through night school, or whatever, trying to make up for lost educational time. And, Flynt joined the Army as a buck Private. No one bought him a place in flight school.

Moreover, the whole article paints Flynt as a shrewd, successful businessman, albeit in a tawdry business. Maybe he should have waited for someone to set him up in the oil business. Everything we know about the business career of George W. Bush demonstrates that he, despite Yale, Harvard Business School, and gold-plated connections, was anything but a shrewd, successful businessman.

Flynt's assertion that Bush is the "dumbest president we have ever had," may be false (Harding and possibly one or two others may have been dumber), but there is little justification in questioning Flynt's credentials for that opinion.

And, of course, Ann is being inconsistent and just plain stupid. Just above this denigration of Flynt, she says, "A lot of people who went to Southwest Texas Junior College are shrewder than Yale graduates." What was the woman thinking? Was she thinking at all when she wrote that sentence? Here she is, trying to convince us that self-made man Flynt is unfit to criticize the son of Eli, George Walker Bush, and she uses an example where some hypothetical Joe Schmo is shrewder than a hypothetical Yale graduate. She could at least have used a Harvard man for her example. In any event, Flynt, without even the benefit of STJC (which exists), fills the bill.

Footnote 15. (p. 34) Balmer, "Porn King Flynt Seeks Dirt on President Bush," Yahoo News (Reuters) 5/16/01.

Ann correctly quotes the article as quoting Flynt, "[Bush] is the dumbest president we've ever had." [Aside. Let's not forget that Flynt was behind one of the more comical episodes in recent G.O.P. history when he threatened to reveal sexual secrets of prominent Republicans and provoked Bob Livingston, Henry Hyde, and (as I recall, I did not look this up) one or two others to come clean about past affairs. Shrewd?]

 

Footnote 16. (p. 34) Johnson, "Hollywood Should Clean Up Its Act, Says Actor Sheen: 'West Wing' Star Rallies Democrats on Dayton Visit," Columbus Dispatch 9/24/00.

Ann quotes Martin Sheen correctly as saying he "intentionally" flunked the entrance exam for the University of Dayton. (Sheen also said he scored 3 points out of 100, which if true would be difficult to do except intentionally.) Ann also writes: "[Sheen] said Bush is 'a moron, if you'll pardon the expression.' (Strictly speaking, 'moron' is a word, not an expression.)" Sheen did say that, although Ann does not bother to provide a citation.

To corroborate, Google ["martin sheen" moron bush]. You will learn that Sheen, a mix of Irish- and Mexican-American whose real surname is Estevez, managed to succeed without college, not even the University of Dayton. He is the third uneducated-but-successful person in a row (Moore, Flynt, Sheen) criticized by Ann for having the temerity to think that Bush is a dope. Well, as I see it, all three earned that right, if such a right has to be earned. For all his education, Bush has prospered only when his name, connections and wealth have overcome his natural fecklessness and carried him along.

Ann also gives us a priceless Coulterism when she chastens Sheen for calling "moron" an expression. As if she and her fellow travellers are sticklers for correct grammar: Neal Boortz, Newsmax, 12/10/01 (sniggering item about a Filipino who cut off his penis to stop himself from sinning; "family members (pardon the expression). . . "; Dr. Laura, Jewish World Review, 5/9/01 ("she won't let the matter rest with such an equivocal, gutless response from the school 'authority' (you should pardon the expression)). Anyway, as someone wrote to tell me, words are expressions. For that matter, pardon my French, but, "Bush is a moron," is an expression. So is "Ann ought to stick to her fields of expertise (if any) and keep mum about technical grammatical points."

 

Footnotes 17, 19-20. (p. 34). Hamilton, The People's Pornographer, (op.cit. fn. 14)

Ann's references to the article, and her interpretation of its tone as favoring Flynt, are correct. One small discrepancy: the poster of Flynt being crucified was apparently never released to public view. Also, Ann notes that the movie title "The People vs. Larry Flynt" is a misnomer. Falwell v. Flynt was a tort case, in which Falwell sought damages for emotional distress. (A tort claim normally decried by conservatives.) This from the woman -- a lawyer, no less--who writes a book alleging libel and calls the book Slander. [April 2006.  I have since learned that Slander was the publisher's choice.  I wonder what Ann wanted?]

 

Footnote 18. (p. 34). Horn, Larry Flynt's Return Is an Attempt to Return Cincinnati to the Past. He Came Back with the Intent of Lowering our Community Standards, Cincinnati Enquirer, 5/2/99.

This article is posted on the Web under the title, "Cincinnati vs. Flynt: The Sequel. Then and now, the opponents are intertwined, defining each other's reputations." The title given in Ann's footnote, "Larry Flynt's Return. . . " is in the article. It is a quotation from a member of Cincinnati's "Citizens for Community Values," who also called Flynt a "sleaze vendor." I don't see the leverage in grafting this anti-Flynt title onto an article Ann criticizes for lauding Flynt. Either a simple mistake, demonstrating her deep concern with the accuracy of her precious footnotes, or she's lying just for the hell of it. Neither does much for her credibility.

 

Footnotes 21-23, 25. (p. 35-36) Felsenthal, Phyllis Schlafly: The Sweetheart of the Silent Majority (Regnery 1982).

I did not read this book, but note that it is a Regnery production. 'Nuff said. Ann appears to use it extensively to support her argument that Schlafly, one of the great thinkers of the age, is unfairly snubbed by the liberal [sic] media, who prefer to quote airheaded starlets or Gloria Steinem. She devotes several pages to comparing Schlafly to Steinem.

Even if we take everything Ann says about Schlafly at face value, I'm still not convinced she's one of the great minds of the 20th Century, or even of the 19th Century. The woman is a crank and has always been a crank. OK, she's a crank who got good grades in college, a scholarship to graduate school and went to law school in her middle age. She has several times helped to write planks for the GOP party platform, a task reserved for party hacks. She's apparently written 10 books, mostly on military policy, but Ann's thumbnail sketch gives absolutely no indication that she (Schlafly) has any expertise on the subject except that while in college she had a job test-firing machine guns. She wrote "an eight-hundred page vivisection of Henry Kissinger and his policy of detente." (p. 35) Who would publish such a book? Who would buy it? I have heard of her Goldwater manifesto, A Choice Not An Echo. You can find it in a brittle, cheap paperback at just about any thrift store. Who bought those 3 million copies, and at what price? Did she get a little (+) (signifying bulk buys) by her name in the NYT best-seller list?

Schlafly has solid accomplishments – she was a player in the counterattack of the Right wing in the Goldwater era, and was instrumental in defeating the ERA (although as I remember it, the ERA had pretty much run out of steam without her help). But overall, I think the history of the postwar Right can safely relegate her to a footnote.

 

Footnote 24. Gilder, Men and Marriage (Pelican 1987). Book: not checked, supports a minor compliment paid by Gilder to Schlafly.

 

p. 36. In the middle of Ann's discussion of Schlafly's battle against the ERA is an assertion that law professors picked up Schlafly's reading of the ERA as mandating that women be drafted and wrote about it in prestigious law reviews like the Yale Law Journal. Of course there are articles about the effect of ERA on the draft, but did Schlafly really originate the concept? Apparently she headed an anti-ERA group called the Coalition Against Drafting Women when the ERA was before the Senate, but it seems to me that this possibility was obvious. A statement like this is just screaming for a citation, to the article Ann had seen in the YLJ, at least. Did it mention Schlafly? Ann went to an excellent law school and has access to Lexis-Nexis. This should have been child's play. Nada.

 

Footnote 26. (p. 36) Updike, Is Sex Necessary?: A History of the Revolution, New Yorker 2/21/00.

Ann gets the quotation, saying Schlafly led the "counter-revolution" against the ERA, correct. Updike is reviewing a book by historian David Allyn; it is not clear from the article whether it was actually Allyn who credits Schlafly with defeating the ERA, but Updike clearly concurs.

Why did she reach for a quotation from John Updike, novelist, in February 2000, about political infighting in the 1970s? Surely there is a better quotation, from someone closer to the action. Answer: because her footnotes are not integral to persuasion, they're just frosting on the cake. Very thin frosting.

 

Footnote 27. (pp. 37-38) Onward, Women!, Time, 12/4/89.

Not read. However, the quotation from the article that Ann uses (in the footnote) is exactly what is given in the blurb on Time's archive page. I could not verify the quotation used near the top of p. 38. This follows a page or so of unsupported assertions regarding Phyllis Schlafly and Gloria Steinem, including the statement, "The feminist movement failed." Huh? The feminist movement may have run out of steam, but that is what movements do. The Reagan/Gingrich conservative movement ran out of gas in about 1995; would Ann say it failed? Ann writes that Phyllis Schlafly was so smart that the Harvard Law faculty was prepared to admit her despite a policy banning women (p. 35). Ann faced no such obstacles on her way to Michigan Law. Did the feminist movement fail her? Should she be thanking Schlafly, or Steinem?

 

p. 38. "Steinem's life would seem to be the opposite of a feminist success story, if feminists consider it desirable for women to be judged by their accomplishments and not their looks or the men they acquire." IMHO, one of Steinem's most important contributions to the women's movement was to show that you didn't have to sacrifice being attractive to join.

More to the point, Ann is using a routine polemical trick: "I'll define your goals and ethics, and then criticize you for not living up to them." I have always thought feminism to be about equal opportunity vis-a-vis men's opportunities, not about judging a woman for what she does with that opportunity. Ann goes on to imply that Steinem used her feminine wiles to charm over a million dollars for Ms. Magazine out of Mort Zuckerman. Assume, for argument's sake, this is true. What does it have to do with feminism? Feminism helped to put Steinem in the position where she had an ailing magazine to save. What she did to save it is about her behavior, not about feminism. Somehow, I think Ann knows this. But her way permitted her to include the juicy, salacious story of Steinem and Zuckerman (minus a few details).

 

Footnotes 28, 30, 32. (p 38) After the Storm; Free from Silence: Ms. Steinem, ABC News Primetime Live, 1/23/92.

Accurate quotations from the transcript of Steinem's appearance on Primetime Live.

 

Footnote 29. (p. 38) Smith, A Contretemps over Mort, Newsday 12/17/91.

Apparently Steinem was quoted in Vanity Fair as saying that her one-time lover, Mort Zuckerman, had never given any money to Ms. Magazine. Zuckerman had lent the magazine $700,000 and given about $400,000, as well as lending one of his executives to help overhaul Ms, facts Zuckerman lost no time in telling everyone.

Nobody looks good in this "contretemps," certainly not Steinem. Ann (correctly) says that Steinem told Primetime Live that she did not love Zuckerman. (Although she omits the context—this was long after the couple had broken up. Most of us have said, or have a friend who has said, something similar.)

Ann apparently intends to leave the impression that Steinem is a hypocrite and a whore. But she overplays her hand. Below is the entire passage from Smith's article; the italicized portion is that omitted by Ann:

Not only did Zuckerman lend Ms. $700,000, but he has check stubs that show $406,151 in gifts to the magazine and its foundation. Ms. repaid the loan to Zuckerman with interest. The publisher also sent one of his own top executives to spend two weeks trying to overhaul the magazine.

Pardon my French, but here Ms. Ann H. Coulter is caught avec les mains rouges. The omission of the repayment was careful and deliberate. It lets her pretend that Zuckerman's gifts were nearly 3 times their actual size. To be sure, Zuckerman had been very generous. But why stop at insinuating that Steinem was a $400,000 whore when you can jack the insinuation up to $1.1 million?

It gets worse. As the contretemps boiled over, Liz Smith wrote a second item, not cited by Ann, in which she states that Zuckerman had not loaned the $700,000 to Ms. Magazine; he had "made it possible" for Ms. to borrow that sum from a bank (I guess by cosigning or guaranteeing the loan). Smith, "The Truth about Mort," Newsday, 1/12/1992. The $700,000 "gift" is looking weaker and weaker. Ann cannot have been unaware of this second item. But she saw to it that her readers were not aware of it.

Ann (p. 38) goes on to say:

The point [of Smith's article] was not to prove Steinem had succeeded on her own, but precisely the opposite; to prove that she had batted her eyes and inveigled a man to save her failing business enterprise.

First, that is a false statement about Smith's point. Smith stated (in the December item) that as an admirer of Steinem, who knew that Zuckerman had provided large sums to Ms. Magazine, she wished to set the record straight. Smith had absolutely no intent of proving Steinem had succeeded on her own, only that for some reason, Vanity Fair quoted Steinem as lying about Zuckerman, and she (Smith) wanted to help clear things up.

Second, Ann is holding Ms. Magazine up to a false standard. Ms. Magazine was, from the very beginning, primarily a political statement and tool for consciousness-raising. Sort of like the American Spectator. Magazines of opinion, Left and Right, are generally propped up by fat cats. They have 'way too much gray stuff around the advertising for them to turn a profit. Ann knows this first-hand. What does she do to keep the funds flowing from Richard Mellon Scaife? I doubt that her methods are directly sexual, but I'd bet that sometimes they are of iffy ethics. Like, perhaps, various degrees of lying to discredit liberals and liberal positions.

 

p. 38. The exaltation of Schlafly over Steinem includes the following:

While Schlafly was writing about military policy, getting presidential candidates nominated, drafting Republican platforms, and raising six children, Steinem was writing a book about self-esteem. . .

On its face, this is absurd. Ann counts Schlafly's lifetime accomplishments and sets them against one book by Steinem. In fact, Steinem has written 4 or 5 books, some of which, like Outrageous Acts and Everyday Rebellions, were legitimate best sellers; founded a pathbreaking magazine; and served as something of an icon for two generations of feminists. At worst, she's a rough equal of Schlafly (even Ann calls Steinem the "feminist counterpart" of Schlafly (p. 37)). 50 years from now, Schlafly will be known (as a crank) to a few students of history, sort of like Frances Willard, another gifted crank, who founded the WCTU. Steinem will be hailed as a pioneer of women's equality.

 

p. 39. Ann gives us a quotation, correctly, with no footnote: [A]rticles. . . chirp that Steinem is "also attempting a career in screenwriting, getting involved with such projects as a caper movie, the screen translation of her book, and a new, noncartoon version of Wonder Woman." The citation should be, Langway, et al., "Steinem at 50: Gloria in Excelsis," Newsweek, 6/4/1984.

The article is a brief account of Steinem's 50th birthday party, and while it is friendly to Steinem, it does not gush. Phyllis Schlafly even makes an appearance (although she seems not to have been to the party), agreeing with Betty Friedan that Steinem's version of feminism is a minority view. I do not see any reason for Ann to have omitted this citation. Probably just a mistake. Of course, I don't see how the quotation does much to help prove liberals are seditious twits, either. You miss a lot when you think about what you're reading.

 

Footnote 31. (p. 38) 1936-1986 Year by Year; An Almanac of Victories, Disasters, Heroes and Hurrahs, Time, Fall 1986. Among the "heroes" to Time: Churchill, Eisenhower, Mother Teresa. . . and Steinem.

Ann omits some of Time's other "heroes:" Hopalong Cassidy, James Dean, Elvis, Sir Francis Chichester, Joe Namath, Martha Mitchell, Bruce Jenner, and E.T. The whole thing is just a lame attempt to market Time's archival material in time for Christmas. Sally Ride (who did attend Steinem's 50th birthday party) is on this list: does she owe her opportunities more to Schlafly, or to Steinem?

 

Footnote 32. (p. 39) Steinem did say, "We [women] enjoy looking at men's asses." The whole transcript of Primetime Live suggests a show where the hosts were actively trying to trick Steinem into embarrassing herself. If that was their goal, they succeeded. But why did Ann deem this so important? Ann has said her share of stupid things on television. Indeed, it's an important part of her schtick.

 

p. 39. ABC News Special Report, "A Celebration: 100 Years of Great Women," (1999). Not footnoted, but this source is given in the running text.

Unimportant except that Ann thought it worth remarking that Barbara Walters was "fawning over" Steinem. Barbara Walters fawns over everybody; at least, everybody she interviews. How long has it been since Walters asked anyone a tough question? Ann goes on to say "an actress's surest route to an Academy Award nomination is to play a prostitute," listing seven such recent prostitute roles. This is a minor item of ongoing public conversation (of which I was unaware). No citation provided. Apparently Ann thinks this is a violation of the feminist code.

Ann then makes the bogus comparison of current "female divas" Britney Spears, Madonna, Pamela Anderson, Elizabeth Hurley, Sarah Jessica Parker and Jenny McCarthy to bygone movie stars Sophia Loren, Grace Kelly, Lauren Bacall, Carole Lombard, Audrey Hepburn. Talk about apples and oranges! Of the modern group, only Parker is even primarily an actress, and only Madonna has any evident talent. The rest are in the ancient business of posing for cheesecake pictures while doing their best to sing, dance, and/or act. A fairer comparison to Britney, et al. might be to Jane Russell, Jayne Mansfield, Betty Grable and Annette Funicello.

 

Footnote 33. (p. 40) Salter, Conservative Matriarch Schlafly Tries to Remain Relevant on the Right, Chicago Tribune 8/1/96. Cited by Ann to support, "Schlafly is preposterously demeaned with articles reporting that she is trying to remain 'relevant.'"

In the article, a member of Republicans for Choice says Schlafly is "irrelevant;" GOP consultant Kevin Phillips expresses surprise that she is still around, and, most telling, she has been shut out of inner circle powwows because of her support for Pat Buchanan over the soon-to-be nominee, Bob Dole. These are all Republicans saying she's irrelevant, not liberals or journalists. Salter seems to admire her.

 

Footnotes 34. (p. 41) "The Attack Machine," New York Times Magazine, 11/12/95. Described by Ann as a denunciation of Schlafly.

This article is not about Schlafly. It is merely a list of hard-core Right wing smear operations and individuals, including many of the usual suspects – The American Spectator, Paul Weyrich, Jesse Helms, David Brock (before his recent conversion), The WSJ Editorialists, etc., etc. It's a little surprising that Ann would consider inclusion in such company a "denuciation." Schlafly as an individual doesn't even make the list – it's the Eagle Forum.

Also, Ann accuses the NYT of spending two decades "smearing and slighting" Schlafly. My search of the Lexis-Nexis NYT database yielded 268 hits for "schlafly w/2 phyllis" in the two decades preceding 11/12/95; an average of over one a month. Schlafly may have been smeared by the NYT – I did not read these articles – but she was hardly slighted.

 

Footnote 35. (p 40). Haller, "The Muppets Take Manhattan," People, 7/16/84.

Ann thinks People Magazine uses "harridan" as a synonym for Schlafly. Here's the full quotation, you decide:

[T]he Divine Miss P[iggy]'s persona has taken a turn for the wurst. The wily '80s professional woman has been transformed into a '50s harridan who first and foremost will do anything to trick her fella – or, rather, frog – into marriage. It's like turning Joan Collins into Phyllis Schlafly, and it isn't very funny.

 

Footnote 36. (p. 40) McMurran, "Harlan Ellison: Scarred by the Insults of Childhood, a Manic Fantasist Slashes Back at the World," People, 12/2/85. Cited to support, "One People Magazine article snickeringly described a Los Angeles mountainside home that featured 'six fiberglass gargoyles depicting, among others, Richard Nixon and Phyllis Schlafly.'"

The quotation is accurate, but (guess what?) it is misleading without its context. The article has nothing to do with either Nixon nor Schlafly. It is about Harlan Ellison, the science fiction writer, described by People as "manic," and living up to that description by the things he says and does in the article. The article may be "snickering," but it is not snickering at Schlafly (unless Ann thinks she suffers by association with Nixon). It's just another bemused look at guy of modest fame doing unusual and eccentric things. Routine People Magazine stuff. Except for her appearance as a gargoyle, Schlafly is totally irrelevant to Ellison.

 

Footnote 37. (p. 40) Wilhelm, "San Francisco's No. 1 Nun in Drag, Sister Boom Boom, Tries Out a New Habit: Marriage to (Gasp!) a Woman," People, 10/7/85. Cited to support, "In a profile of drag queen Sister Boom Boom, People gleefully noted that Sister Boom Boom had 'mocked Phyllis Schlafly and Jerry Falwell.'"

Again, misleading without its context, and inaccurate to boot. In fact, the article tells us that Sister Boom Boom is a member of a street troupe promoting gay and feminist rights, Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, which in 1984 sought to exorcise San Francisco of Moral Majority demons, there mocking Schlafly and Falwell.

First, the article does not describe Sister B-B's role in the exorcism, so we don't know if she was a Schlafly mocker or not. Further, by Ann's own account, by 1984 Schlafly was best known as instrumental in the defeat of the ERA, so it is only natural that she be mocked by feminist street artists. It's the down side of fame, especially of fame that grows out of being controversial, as Ann should understand well. Finally, I did not notice any particular "glee" in the description of the mockery of Schlafly. It was just another in a string of odd things Sister B-B had done.

 

Footnote 38. (p. 40). Haller, "If Papa Won't Preach It, Young Ron Reagan Will, with a TV Pitch Promoting Safe Sex," People 7/13/87. Quote from Ron, Jr.: "Getting flak from the likes of Phyllis Schlafly is an honor. . . "

The quotation is accurate, but the point of the article is that Ron, Jr. is defying some of his father's political allies by promoting AIDS awareness. Ron also says he thinks William Bennett "lacks a conscience." In any event, it's legitimate news in anybody's book when the offspring of the President appears in TV commercials advocating a policy fervently opposed by some of that President's key constituencies. People's reporter talked to Ron, Jr., who said the quotation. What was People supposed to do? Censor itself? On what ground?

 

Footnote 39. (p. 40) Fineman, "Among the Believers," Newsweek 7/26/99.

Account of the Right-wing "movement" conservatives' suspicion of the rise of George W. Bush. Fineman writes: "The perception at the grass roots is that the fix is in, fumed Phyllis Schlafly, a founding mother of the New Right." What on earth is the matter with that? By her lights, she has plenty of reason to be mad, she is mad, and Fineman reports it as such.

 

Footnote 40. (p. 40) Footlick, et al., "Legal Battle of the Sexes," Newsweek 4/30/79.

Accurate quotation in which Schlafly "snaps." Ann finds the word disrespectful. It even rates a "[sic]" in the footnote.

Note also that between the two Newsweek quotes, Ann accuses the NYT of writing something like "Schlafly. . . 'opens her mouth.'" A Lexis/Nexis search on (schlafly or phyllis) and (open* w/3 mouth) turned up no hits. What makes this interesting, IMHO, is that it is nestled in between the two Newsweek quotes, inviting the inference that this NYT offense is cited in footnote 40. It is not.

 

Footnote 41. (p. 41) O'Reilly, "And Ladies of the Club; Women in Dallas Showed Signs of Comfort, and Discomfort," Time 9/3/84.

In which, "Time magazine sarcastically portrayed women attending a Phyllis Schlafly luncheon at the 1984 Republican National Convention for imagining that they were the 'mainstream.'" Huh? I suppose this makes sense, but sentences like this make Ann's departure from legal practice easier to understand, and probably overdue.

Anyway, the article describes an old-school ladies' luncheon given by Phyllis Schlafly at the 1984 GOP Convention. A woman, identified by Ann as a "Texas delegate" (the article says she was an alternate from California) says, "It amazes me that people would think this is not a cross section of the American public" -- a ballroom full of "overwhelmingly white, conservative, married women whose greatest mark of diversity was whether they wore silk or synthetic." One hopes the lady was being facetious. Ann finds Time's attitude to such a woman offensive.

Ann fails to mention that the entertainment Schlafly booked for this particular luncheon included the ever-tasteful and hilarious Joan Rivers, who suggested that the Democrats "should have gone for Dolly Parton [for vice president]. They could have called it Fritz and Tits. They would have had three boobs in the White House." (I remember hearing this line, over and over, in 1984. I often wondered what Dolly Parton thought of it. Is she even a Democrat?) Perhaps this is just another sign of Time's insidious sarcasm. A better-behaved magazine would have left Joan Rivers out of it.

Ann tells us that another indicator of Schlafly's good taste and serious purpose was [one of] the party favor[s]: General Daniel Graham's book, We Must Defend America, apparently extolling the virtues of the Star Wars missile defense system. (Doing her part to prop up yet another Right wing tract as a "best seller.") For some reason, Ann forgot to mention the other party favor, cakes of soap molded into the shape of Texas.

 

Footnote 42. (p. 41-42) Roberts, "For a Good Time, Call the Democrats," St. Petersburg Times, 8/20/00.

Fast forward to the Democratic Convention of 2000, in Los Angeles. According to Ann, "At the Democratic National Convention event attended by Steinem, the party favors were condoms."

The article did indeed report on such a party, and mentioned that Steinem had attended. However, my searches with Google and Lexis-Nexis failed to corroborate this account. The host was reportedly People for the American Way.

Four observations: 1) my searches revealed no other party where the party favors were condoms. I found nothing even risque, although a key-word search featuring "condom" would probably miss a lot. Apparently another pro-choice group was handing out condoms in the convention lobby, which strikes me as perfectly appropriate and on-message. But not as party favors. Is that what you inferred from Ann's sentence? 2) The tone of the St. Pete's Times article is every bit as sniggering and sarcastic as that of the Time article about Phyllis Schlafly's ladies' luncheon. 3) Misdirection alert I: Steinem, unlike Schlafly, was merely a guest at this affair, and as such cannot be blamed for the hosts' taste or lack thereof. 4) Misdirection alert II: The two parties were not only worlds apart, but were 16 years apart. Those years had seen an explosion in AIDS, as well as lesser venereal diseases, which condoms help to reduce. Condoms have gone mainstream, migrating from behind the pharmacist's counter to prominent display on store shelves. They're not just for teenagers any more.

Besides, condoms are probably a good thing to be handing out at conventions. Even GOP Conventions.

 

p. 41. Long diatribe against Glamour Magazine for making Hillary Clinton its 1992 "Woman of the Year," but "never" choosing "anyone who might possibly have voted for Ronald Reagan" as WOTY. Elizabeth Dole, WOTY 1997, ruins her "never."

But does Glamour snub Republican women generally? I don't know. A Google search showed WOTY honors for GOP Congresswomen Susan Molinari (R-N.Y.) and Connie Morella (R-Md.). Most of the WOTY were entertainers, athletes, scholars or doctors whose politics were not readily apparent. So, call it "not supported." If Ann wants us to believe her, she has to back it up.

 

Footnote 43. (p. 41) "Yearenders, Predictions: A Sampler," The Hotline, 01/04/93. The quotation, [Rush Limbaugh] is "on the outs. . . " by Larry King is accurate, even if the prediction was not. (Although King seemed to include Schlafly in that prediction, putting him at .500.) King did not say that Rush and Schlafly would be taking a "back seat" in 1993. I do not know the source of that comment.

 

Footnote 44. (p. 41) "Phil McCombs, (whom Limbaugh ridiculed in 1994) "Review of Saturday Night Live writer Al Franken's book Rush Limbaugh Is a Big Fat Idiot and Other Observations," Washington Post, January 19 Style section, December 16, 1996."

This is the exact footnote provided by Ann. She cites it to support how the Post "giddily" quoted a restauranteur as saying, "Limbaugh 'is fading right now' in popularity."

I did find this article: McCombs, "Al & the Rushmeister," Washington Post "Style" section, January 19, 1996. So, except for the title and the date, it's a good citation. The restauranteur is there; he had shut down a "Rush Room" (a room where people hang out, probably drinking Coors, grooving on Rush Limbaugh broadcasts) because "Limbaugh 'is fading right now' in popularity among the restaurant's patrons." Kinda different from just "fading in popularity," dontcha think?

This is particularly risible because as a doctrinaire Ayn Randy, Ann is supposed to revere the decisions made by just such entrepreneurs as the little synapses that make the Invisible Hand twitch. But not, apparently, if they contradict her grander purpose of maligning liberals.[2]

Footnote 45. (p. 41) Bracey, "The Sixth Bracey Report on the Condition of Public Education," Phi Delta Kappan, 10/96.

This is an interesting article, similar in spirit to this web site, devoted to calling attention to the worst errors and lies about public schools in media, advertising, and so on. Ann's assertion that Bracey gave Rush Limbaugh the "Least Credible Article" award in the previous year is correct. But there is not indication that Bracey is picking on Rush; he is, quite clearly and properly, trying to defend his profession against an onslaught of muddled thinking and propaganda. More power to him.

 

Footnote 46. (p. 42) Edel, "Imus is Dropping Old Routine," Bergen County Record, 3/30/97. Not found, but not particularly important.

 

Footnote 47. (p. 42) Cites to seventeen articles or editorials in Harpers Magazine by Lewis Lapham, the editor, which Ann claims include "snotty asides" about Rush Limbaugh. Not checked. But it is interesting to note that Ann complains about how the media is ignoring Mr. Limbaugh, but that Lapham is "absolutely obsessed" with him.

 

Footnote 48. (p. 42) Rutenberg, "Koppel's 'Nightline' Caught in Cross-Fire," NYT 03/04/02; "Business Digest," NYT 03/04/02.

The descriptions of Ted Koppel’s “Nightline” as “quality news,” and “admired” are correct. But there is a certain amount of low comedy in Ann’s handling of the Koppel/Letterman story. She says that “Nightline” was due to be scrapped “because of its low ratings.” This is false. The show actually had good ratings, better than Letterman’s. The problem was that Koppel’s viewers tend to be older than the free-spending 20-somethings advertisers love.

Even more telling of Ann’s passion for accuracy is that she alludes to a “series of lengthy elegies,” in the NYT, then cites two articles, both in the same edition of the paper. What’s more, her citation to “Business Digest” is not only not lengthy, but is merely a quick synopsis of a full-length article (about Letterman, really) on the inside pages of the business section. I'm guessing that the reason she did not cite the actual article is that she didn't read it – she was just shopping Lexis/Nexis looking for ballast for her footnotes.

 

Footnote 49-53. (p. 42) Sanger, "The 2000 Campaign: World Views," NYT 10/30/00.

Ann correctly cites the NYT, and Jonathan Alter of Newsweek, as saying that candidate George W. Bush had traveled only to Mexico and five other countries. Ann cites this to serve her theory of liberal snobbery -– “How many Americans consider [Bush’s travels] laughable?” The point, of course, was that Bush is alarmingly incurious about other countries, despite the influence and wealth of his father, and that in a crisis, his poor understanding of foreigners would be a severe handicap. As he goes around calling other countries “evil” and doing seemingly everything he can to humiliate our traditional allies, we see the validity of this fear.

 

Footnote 50. (p. 42) Alter, "The Lessons of Oprahland 'Between the Lines,'" Newsweek, 10/2/00. See 49-53, above.

 

Footnote 51. (p. 42) Today Show, 11/11/00. See 49-53, above.

 

Footnote 52. (p. 42) Holt and Alter, "Effects of Mideast Violence on U.S. Presidential Campaigns," Saturday Today, 10/14/00. See 49-53, above.

 

Footnote 53. (p. 43) Alter, "What Presidents Are," Newsweek, 10/23/00. Should be "What Presidents Are For." See 49-53, above.

 

Footnote 54. (p. 43) "A Yank at Oxford," Sunday Times (London), 10/25/92.

This article summarizes young Bill Clinton’s time at Oxford, as a Rhodes Scholar, and traveling on the Continent. Ann’s point is that in 1992, the media’s concern with the disparities in the candidates’ foreign experience was very muted – they were unimpressed by Bush Sr.’s wide foreign experience, even as compared to Clinton’s limited experience.

This is a valid point, but (as usual) Ann ruins it by going too far: “Clinton’s wide travel consisted primarily of his joining antiwar protesters across Europe and in Moscow during the Vietnam War.” In fact, the article describes his war protests in England (in light of all that has happened since, it is wryly amusing to see that the article credits a “former Miss Arkansas” with persuading him to go to his first peace protest), his efforts to avoid the draft, and his tour of Oslo, Helsinki, Moscow and Prague over December 1969-January 1970. The article gives a small amount of support to Ann’s claim that he joined antiwar protesters (apparently briefly; Clinton says it was a coincidence) in Oslo, and none at all to the other three cities. In Helsinki, he visited the family of a student friend. In Moscow, he somehow got involved with a group of American private citizens trying to negotiate prisoner exchanges with the North Vietnamese. In Prague, he visited another family of a student friend, dissidents suffering severe reprisals for their part in the “Prague Spring” uprising of 1968.

To be sure, in Moscow and Prague he spent time with political activists, but several cuts above the scruffy image Ann promotes with her “antiwar protesters.” Indeed, how can anyone, least of all a Right winger, show such disrespect to the freedom-fighting Czech family? This is all written from just the perspective in the article Ann cites. There may be evidence, possibly even credible evidence, that Clinton was engaged in other, more blameworthy activities on his Continental tour. But if that were true, why wouldn’t Ann give better citations?

 

Footnote 55. (p. 43) (String cite to several articles dated October 1992) Ann is about half-right in her assertion that the news media she cites (NYT, LAT, Wash Post, AP, Nightline) were skeptical of Bush Sr.’s motives in raising the Clinton-visited-Moscow-in-1969 “issue.” But she is wrong that they thought Bush “vulgar.” They actually thought Bush “desperate.” According to the articles, Rep. Robert “B-1 Bob” Dornan (R-CA) had been shopping the innuendo around for weeks, even though he admitted he had no evidence. He was ignored until (surprise!) the Washington Times put it on the front page. At the time, Bush was lagging in the polls and the handwriting was on the wall. Bush brought it up in a way that enabled him to pretend it was all off-the-cuff, but the newsies soon proved that it was calculated, sort of a Willie Horton for 1992. [Aside: Good ol' stiff, wooden, humorless Al Gore came up with a pretty good pun. He called the Dornan/Bush hypothesis the “October Surmise.”]

 

Footnote 56. (p. 44) Allen, "Fund-Raising in N.Y. Sets Record Pace," Washington Post, 3/31/00. Ann’s remarks on campaign finance reform (pp 43-44) are, to me, incoherent. I quote them in full:

It is hardly surprising that liberals are terrified of campaign finance laws that allow ordinary people to participate in public political debate by contributing to political campaigns. Relaxed campaign finance laws are dangerous because they allow hoi polloi to get their two cents in. Noticeably, the news organizations frantically hawking the “money in politics” stories continuously neglect to mention that the media is wholly exempt from the campaign finance laws they adore.

There’s no time to mention the media exemption when there are important stories to be run on courageous politicians like Senator John McCain, who champion the media’s utterly self-interested demand for campaign finance restrictions. Carrying water for the media is known as “fighting powerful interests” – powerful interests that are not quite powerful enough to prevent the entire media from erupting in joy at the mere mention of McCain’s name. The sinister, powerful interests McCain confronted were little old ladies sending $20 checks to the Christian Coalition. Even if the little old lady is Imelda Marcos, in politics power is information, and no special interest group in the history of the universe has wielded the power of the modern media in America.

Despite all the hysterical news accounts of money corrupting politics, what liberals really believe is that the power to influence elections by persuading voters should reside exclusively with the media. Thus, complaining of the campaign fundraising by Rudy Giuliani and Hillary Clinton in early 2000, Neal Rosenstein of the New York Public Interest Research Group told the Washington Post: “Hillary and Rudy are already in the paper every day.” The media should be the sole purveyors of information about political campaigns.

In the left’s doomsday scenario, the campaign finance laws would permit political speech by people who worry about taxes and crime, don’t have $200 million or a position with the elite media, or – God help us – have traveled overseas only three times. Liberals malign such people as “the rich.” Only the mind-boggling resources of the left could persuade so many people that these elitist snobs speak for the little guy.

The only item footnoted is to verify the Rosenstein quotation, which is correct. A short list of the things wrong with this analysis includes: No citations are provided. Campaign finance reform does not seek, and to my knowledge has never sought, to discourage "hoi polloi" from contributing their "two cents," or even their $1000. What does she mean that the "media is wholly exempt" from campaign finance laws? How is it in the media's self-interest to restrict campaign finance? The lion's share of political expenditures go to consultants, advertising agencies, and the media where the campaign ads are placed. Why would the media strive to cut off this revenue? How could the final paragraph have been OK'd by a competent, or even an awake, editor? What is she trying to say?

All Content Copyright © 2002, 2006 by Stuart Eugene Thiel. All Rights Reserved.



[1] I have cleaned this up a little from the version on my website http://slannder.homestead.com.  All Content Copyright © 2002, 2006 by Stuart Eugene Thiel. All Rights Reserved.

 

[2] It is interesting to note that the Post apparently saw no conflict in assigning McCombs to review Franken's book criticizing Rush Limbaugh, when McCombs actually had a bone to pick with Limbaugh. As McCombs tells it, two years earlier, he had written an article about President Clinton that Rush read, repeatedly, on the air, saying it made him sick. Amazingly enough, a dittohead from Royal Oak, Michigan (Father Coughlin's old stomping grounds) called to say, in effect, "Hey, Rush, if you actually read the damn thing, it makes sense." Yet more amazingly, Rush did so and conceded. But he had ridiculed McCombs on air for a long time.

Apparently this kind of conflict of interest does not bother the Post. It was recently revealed that it had published reviews of Conason & Lyons's "The Hunting of the President" (2000) and Brock's "Blinded by the Right" (2002) by writers for the American Spectator, a magazine whose publisher, editors, staff and readers are heavily criticized in both books. Indeed, Brock's reviewer was actually criticized in the book he reviewed. How useful was that to Washington Post readers?

At least McCombs, unlike Ann's brethren at the American Spectator, disclosed his conflict of interest right up front: "[When Franken's book came out] I rushed to get a copy, remembering with intense pleasure Rush's rather chipper all-out assault against me on his radio and TV shows a couple of years back." The Conason and Brock reviewers never revealed their ulterior motives.